Saturday, August 18, 2012

Confident Jews condemn Iranian rhetoric

Jewish girls in Iran

The Iranian regime crossed a red line in its antisemitism when vice-president Rahimi blamed the Talmud for spreading drug addiction. But in a move revealing the community's self-confidence, the Jews of Iran politely but respectfully condemned him. Writing in Jewish Ideas Daily Shai Secunda has this useful run down of the Iranian regime's relations with its Jews, which a recent census put at well below 30,000. (With thanks: Janet)

Numbering approximately 30,000, Iranian Jewry constitutes the largest Jewish community in the Middle East outside of Israel. Very soon after Rahimi’s speech, the website of the Tehran Jewish Association posted a letter that its director, Dr. Homayun Sameyah, had dispatched to the Iranian Vice President. In it, Sameyah takes issue with Rahimi’s allegations against the Talmud, and argues that “besides discussing matters of religious law, [the Talmud] also describes the lives of the sages and prophets, aspects of proper morals and behavior, and matters of health and medicine, within the limits of that time’s science.” The letter respectfully but firmly requests that the Vice President clarify his remarks and correct any potential misunderstandings which they may have brought about. Finally, it asks that Rahimi reiterate the difference between Zionists and Jews—a distinction that originated with Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979, when the Jewish community sought assurances that it would be safe in the new Republic.

Sameyah’s letter of protest, along with other official statements, articles, and announcements uploaded to the Tehran Jewish Association’s website, provide a fascinating viewing-point into the Jewish community in Iran today. But like most sources of information on the Jews in the Islamic Republic—including Western journalism and even scholarly publications—the view is more peephole than window, and it allows for only a limited and frequently obstructed glimpse at the complexities of this fascinating community.

Jews constitute the oldest minority in the Islamic Republic today; by a long shot. The community has an ancient and illustrious history in Iran, dating back to the Babylonian exile in the middle of the first millennium B.C.E. when Jews found themselves under the mostly benevolent rule of the nascent yet soon vast Iranian Achaemenid Empire, founded by Cyrus. Aside from sporadic episodes of persecution, Jews prospered under the various dynasties that ruled Iran. But that changed when the Safavids came to power at the turn of the 16th century and inaugurated Shiite Islam as the state religion. Iranian minorities of all stripes did not fare well under Shiite Islam, particularly in its medieval articulation. The longstanding Shiite persecution complex coupled with newfound hegemony over vast territories often proved a dangerous cocktail, while severe purity laws precluded most forms of contact between Shiite Iranians and everyone else.

By the close of the Qajar period (1786-1925), the Jewish population was seriously depleted. Yet the modernization of Iran and particularly the Constitutional Revolution of 1906-1911, which gave parliamentary representation to Jews and other recognized minorities, finally brought a measure of relief. The ascension of the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-1979) improved the situation for the Jews quite dramatically. As a result of this brief upturn in Jewish fortunes, the Islamic Revolution of 1979 is often seen as a radical deterioration for Iranian Jews. Indeed, many Iranian Jews now living outside of Iran’s borders still pine for the autocratic reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (1941-79), over thirty years on.

Unquestionably, the numbers confirm a major decline: Within a decade of the Islamic Revolution, the community had dwindled by some 75 percent. The popular persecution that followed the revolution, and the difficult years of the Iran-Iraq war made life in the new Republic unbearable for much of the Jewish community. Numerous Jews, other minority groups, as well as many liberal-thinking Muslims, packed up their things and escaped. The mass exodus and the stories that Iranian Jews brought with them have to a great extent defined the public perception of what it means to live as a Jew in Iran. Yet, in the years since many of those Jews departed, various political changes have significantly affected Iran’s remaining Jews: The Iran-Iraq war, the years of reform at the turn of the millennium, and now the complexities of Ahmadinejad’s presidency and the ever-mutating Iranian political scene have successively altered the map dramatically.

In February and March of 2009, New York Times columnist Roger Cohen penned a pair of now infamous articles about a trip he took to the Islamic Republic. The image that Cohen painted of Jewish life in Iran was particularly rosy. He observed that furious protests against Israel’s war with Gaza did not spill over into anti-Semitic diatribes and, more personally, that he had “seldom been treated with such consistent warmth as in Iran.” The response from many journalists around the country was swift and severe. Their resounding message was that Cohen did not know how to read Iran and its Jews. He had been duped.

In certain respects, the fault lines highlighted by the Cohen fiasco parallel the dispute between Israeli scholars of Iran. On one side, a number of academics, mainly affiliated with major Israeli centers for Middle Eastern studies, are closely aligned with the government’s approach regarding the Iranian nuclear threat. Many also see the situation of Iranian Jewry as particularly dire. On the other, scholars associated primarily with the Left, such as Ben-Gurion University’s Haggai Ram, criticize the government’s view, and offer radical and even subversive re-readings of the current crisis which suggest that Israel’s fear of Iran is largely self-manufactured. Recent work by Orly Rahimiyan—an extensively published doctoral candidate also at Ben-Gurion—makes the case for a more nuanced assessment of the ethno-national identity and political situation of the Jews in Iran today. Rahimiyan argues that Iranian Jews have constructed a complex hybrid identity for themselves that cannot easily be untangled. In this regard, Iranian Jews are very much Iranian, although they are also strongly Jewish.

Following years of secularization during the reign of the Shah, Jews in the Islamic Republic became visibly more religious. (This might be attributed to the general religious fervor that the country has experienced since the late 1970s. Alternatively, it might be related to the fact that the synagogue is one of the few public communal spaces still available for Jews.) In practice, Iranian Jews can visit Israel via a third country. Receiving an exit visa is no longer the bureaucratic nightmare it once was, and technically speaking, many Iranian Jews could leave the country if they so desired. In the summer of 2007, what began as a genuinely felt offer of financial incentives to Jewish Iranians who wanted to immigrate to Israel turned into a debacle that deeply insulted Iran’s Jewish community.

Many outside observers attribute Iranian Jewry’s frequent criticisms of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians solely to efforts to appease the Islamic regime. But as disconcerting as the thought may be, it is possible that the critique springs from the widely held Iranian view of the Jewish state, which sees Israel’s rule over the Palestinians through the lens of Iran’s traumatic encounters with colonialism and related Western attempts to intervene in its political affairs.

Nonetheless, there are reasons to be concerned about Iranian Jewry. Contrary to Cohen’s observations, not every official parses the difference between Zionist and Jew as neatly as the Jewish community would want him to. In a famous case, just before Passover in 1999, thirteen Iranian Jews were incarcerated in the city of Shiraz on suspicion of spying for Israel (three were later released but the rest were deemed guilty). And beyond his remarks about the annihilation of Israel, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Holocaust denial has made the community extremely uncomfortable. So uncomfortable, in fact, that in early 2006 the Jewish community sent a letter of protest to the President (the letter, which unlike the dispatch to Rahimi did not merit an official response, is also uploaded to the Tehran Jewish Association website). While this episode reflects the highly negative influence that official Iranian rhetoric has had on the Jewish community there, it also reveals a community confident enough to register its complaint in full view.

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A Tehrani woman in touch with her Israeli Facebook friend

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